The Second's Opinion

Throughout the fall, the sight of mass shootings and similar gun based atrocities occurred so frequently that some American citizens and their politicians called for limitations as to prevent such horrors from happening again. In the months that followed the deadliest mass shooting in American history in Las Vegas in early October, victims of gun violence have been found at a Church in Sutherland Springs, Texas and a California elementary school. Almost immediately after such acts, Democratic politicians called for a vigorous expansion of gun laws while politicians on the right refuse to act because they, like the base, believe that they possess an inherent right to carry firearms.

Using the Second Amendment as the explicit reminder of Americans’ intrinsic right to use firearms, these advocates challenge any legislation that their gun control opponents propose. Noting that the first gun control laws proposed by the American Founders in the early republic mandated that most household be armed, believers in the Second Amendment argue that its purpose is to allow for the defense of the pubic liberties, in case the government acts tyrannically and violates these fundamental rights. Granted that America in 2017 is not acting tyrannical, the Second Amendment is not mooted by the cultural bond it has with politically active hunters and firearm aficionados. Although these enthusiasts engage in lawful activities and vote accordingly, they are often vilified by gun control advocates for “assisting” in mass shootings. Look no further than the statement of the disgraced Harvey Weinstein, who proposed pursuing actions that would eliminate the NRA’s influence from the political process after the Las Vegas shooting. 

Despite the outcry condemning Weinstein’s statement, a significant portion of the country still cannot fathom the close bond that their fellow citizens have towards guns and continue to remain isolated from people who “cling to their guns.” Second Amendment skeptics, like like Senator Chris Murphy (D-CT), have called for the banning of AR-15, a specific type of semiautomatic assault rifle. A Democratic colleague of the Senator Murphy, Senator Diane Feinstein (D-CA), proposed a bill banning AR-15s in the U.S. Senate days after the deadly shooting in Sutherland Springs, Texas. 

While the proposals of these Democratic Senators and other gun control advocates are well intentioned, they are severely misguided because the man who brought the shooting to an end in Texas used an AR-15. If there had been legislation banning the legal acquirement of an AR-15 that man, Stephen Willeford, could not have acted and the shooting could have lasted longer with even deadlier implications. Unlike the densely populated communities with police stations nearby where most gun control advocates reside, the communities reliant on their firearms for self-defense live significant distances away from law enforcement officials. Furthermore, Secret Service officers were able to prevent further injuries to Congressional leaders or House Majority Whip Steve Scalise because they were able to respond rapidly to the shooter at the Congressional Baseball practice. The presence of a deterrent firearm is the best precaution against mass shooting because it allows the rapid response that saves lives.

In the aftermath of the Las Vegas and Sutherland Spring shootings, gun control proponents frequently asserted that firearm laws needed be strengthened because it would then prevent future atrocities from ever occurring again. Such proposals are absurd; they fail to take into account the fact that the people who intend to break the law by murdering people will have no qualms about violating laws in order to obtain guns illegally. 

But what of background checks? They are a current requirement for people purchasing guns. However, due an error in the processing stage, the National Instant Criminal Background Check System failed to recognize that the shooter in Sutherland Spring was courtmartialed for domestic abuse because the Air Force failed to submit the records. The extension of background checks usually gains support across the partisan lines so policy proposals aimed at eliminating the inefficiencies between the agencies so that authentic checks could occur would most likely gain bipartisan support. Until recently, Congress has discussed bipartisan support for the elimination of bump stocks.

While Democrats and gun control advocates have been hesitant to respect the wishes of gun owners, they should listen to their voters because their options are going to be a matter of major political significance in eleven months. In a public opinion poll taken after the Sutherland Springs Shooting, Gallup found that only 36% of those surveyed would support legislation banning AR-15. With Democratic Senators representing deep-red states with a heritage of hunting, it would be politically imperative for Senators Tester, McCaskill, Heitkamp, Donnelly, and Manchin to oppose any regulation infringing upon the rights of gun owners. If they refuse, it is safe to assume that a politically coherent class of gun owners would be motivated by the NRA to select a Republican who shares their values. Hopefully these Senators will listen to their constituents, the American people, and the not the more radical members of their own party.

Let's Talk About... Jesus

“I’m really fed up with Christians,” my neighbor told me. “The other night I was by the pond when these two guys with beanies and acoustic guitars asked me if I’d found Christ, and then they started playing Jesus music.”

As a Catholic, the thought of two hippies playing Jesus Jams by a pond makes me smile. But I can understand how hipster-fueled evangelization with spontaneous music can be a little off-putting-- especially in a society where religion is akin to going to the bathroom: if you have to do it, fine, but don’t talk about it. This attitude is a serious challenge to evangelization-- it’s hard to make disciples of all nations when the nations are too fed up with you to listen. I understand that any amount of evangelization will alienate some people, but this alienation becomes a problem when it annihilates any receptivity to Catholicism. Given that Jesus told us that we’d be persecuted for spreading the gospel, some evangelists seem to judge their effectiveness by how many people they’ve made mad. That’s not the point; any evangelization that drives people away from God undermines its own purpose, no matter how Christ-like the ensuing stigmatization makes us feel.

That’s not to say there aren’t real barriers to evangelization. A recent New York Times Op-Ed by Nicholas Kristof cited several studies which indicate that in academia, there’s significantly more hiring bias against Conservatives and Christians than against minority groups. Kristof cited a study by a black evangelical sociologist who found that 30% of academics said they’d be less likely to support a candidate for a job if they found out the candidate was a Republican. The numbers jumped to over 50% when the academics were informed the candidate was also an Evangelical Christian. While Catholics and Evangelicals face different social stigmas, they are stigmas nonetheless, and in or out of academia, these stigmas are a real barrier to effectively spreading the Gospel.

On top of the social stigma, there’s also the very real and uncomfortable truth that no matter how logical and persuasive you are, you can’t argue someone into faith. So how do we evangelize in a secular culture that ridicules and delegitimizes Christians? How do we lead someone to the Truth if we can’t just… convince them of it?

The answer is sanctity. Look at Mother Teresa. Before she became known around the world as a living saint, a young British journalist named Malcolm Muggeridge was assigned to report on her. At the time, Muggeridge was an atheist. He died a Catholic. This was not because Mother Teresa was a great apologist or philosopher, nor was it her ability to jam out to Matt Maher on the acoustic guitar. Mother Teresa led people to Christ because she reflected Him. After all, it’s hard to look God in the eyes and say He doesn’t exist. Her life was a witness. It showed that people really can live entirely beyond themselves, for selfless motives, and glorify God. Saints are beautiful works of art, and art teaches you something about the artist. When the world saw Mother Teresa- now St. Teresa of Calcutta- they saw the God who shaped her, guided her, and led her to change the world. She, like any Christ-like figure, had her opponents. All evangelists will. Jesus did too. But by being a mirror for Christ, she was able to effectively show people the truth. As Dr. Peter Kreeft once said, “Nobody ever won an argument against Mother Teresa.”

But what does that mean for you and me?

It means that we have to live up to our Baptismal call--we have to be saints. If we claim to be Catholic, but we don’t live it, then we’re not just being annoying evangelists. We’re being hypocrites. Teach with your actions! If they say you’re judgmental, show the mercy of Christ. If they say you’re boring, show them the wild joy of living the Gospel. If they say that God is dead, become a generation of saints. Especially in a culture that thinks religion is the dying tradition of the elderly, young Catholics have a duty to rise up and fight for holiness. If we want to show everyone that this is real, then we have to really live it.

Look around you. People are hungry for love and acceptance. They’re hungry for peace and freedom. They’re hungry for a life that has meaning. They don’t know it, but they’re hungry for Christ. In our sanctity, we can be beacons- drawing people in, and then pointing them to Christ. If we pursue holiness, then our “halos” become like McDonald’s golden arches- a glowing sign offering the promise of fulfillment and an answer to the nihilistic hunger of our generation. We have the Bread of Life, the food that will satisfy. What more could we ever need?

Get Behind Me, Satan

Warning to Catholics: Compromise is not a Christian concept.

If the Truth is good, then any compromise to Truth is evil. On the road to Jerusalem, Jesus addressed the idea of compromise by saying to Peter, the first pope, “get behind me Satan”. Peter had told his master that he would never let him be handed over and killed, a seemingly good thing. However, in the face of Truth, such a proposed compromise to salvation could only come from the evil one.

Allowing abortion in the case of rape is a compromise. It is the duty of every Catholic to reject such a deceptive proposal, for if abortion is wrong in any case, it must be wrong in all cases. “It’s better to be an atheist than a hypocritical Catholic” –Pope Francis, much in the same way, it is much better to be adamantly pro-choice than to be to be a compromising “pro-lifer”. To be a pro-lifer with exceptions is to be a hypocrite. Weeds among grain. To be Catholic, one must be against abortion because by its very nature abortion aims at the destruction of life. 

Which brings me to my next point, no medical procedure intending to save the mother’s life is an abortion, even if the unborn child were to die as a result of such a procedure. Simply put, an abortion is an intended early termination of a pregnancy. Abortion by its very nature is aimed solely at ending a pregnancy. Therefore, any surgery with a different purpose cannot be deemed an abortion. For example, a surgery aimed at removing life threatening cancer from a woman’s uterus can’t be considered an abortion even if it ends the life of a child in utero. In this way, there is no such thing as an “abortion” to protect the mother’s life, for any such procedure would not be an abortion as its aim would not be that of ending pregnancy but rather that of protecting the mother’s life.

Don’t compromise the Truth to make yourself feel better or too avoid controversy. For in doing so it is no longer the Truth that you accept and spread, it is a lie. Being Catholic means that you are against all things that threaten the dignity of innocent life, not just the ones that are easy to condemn as wrong (slavery, death penalty, late term abortion, etc). In our modern democracy, compromise is the name of the game. Without compromise nothing would get done they say. Heed my warning Catholics, for you know as well as I do that apart from Him not only does nothing get done, nothing is. Look to your mothers and fathers in faith, you will see the blood, but you won’t see compromise for many died rather than adulterate the Truth. 

Stand up for the whole Truth or sit down. In matters of life and death there can be no room for indifference, it is either love or hate, to be indifferent is to side with hate. You cannot serve two masters. If you refuse to spread the message of the evil of abortion in all cases, don’t spread any message about the inherent dignity of the human person and the necessity of love shown towards them. To do one and refuse the other is hypocrisy. Choose controversy rather than compromise.

Remember, you don’t need to be Catholic, but if one is to be a Catholic one must be pro-life. Never compromise on truth.

Letter from the Editors: November 2017

Dear Reader, 

Thank you for picking up a copy of The Fenwick Review. As we go to press with the October/November issue, one “listening session” on the College’s mascot has come and gone, and the other looms on the horizon. It is now nearly a year since the College announced its intention to reconsider the issue of our traditional symbol. The Administration has implemented a “working group” to collate feedback on the topic. Students and alumni are invited to submit their thoughts: should the mascot be retained? Or should it be consigned to what is called the “ash heap of history”? Commentary is due by November 26, via an online comment form. We encourage our readers to submit their feedback. 

Throughout the last year, our writers and editors have discussed the issue in some depth; all three issues from last spring contain articles on the topic. Elsewhere in this issue, Mr. Hanley and Mr. Christ address various aspects of the mascot debate. Mr. Christ discusses the administration’s handling of the issue, while Mr. Hanley offers a final examination of the arguments in favor of and opposed to the mascot. On the next page, an alumnus from the Class of 1954 offers his thoughts on the topic to the editors. We will not repeat any of that content now. 

Instead, a simple note. Over the past year, we have met exceedingly few students who passionately thought that the mascot ought to go. A higher number, even at the first listening session, have argued that it ought to stay. But many, if not most, find the whole matter pointless babbling over a symbol. They simply do not care. In this minor culture war, it seems to have been forgotten that there are real problems on this campus -- housing, tuition, funding priorities. For both sides of the political spectrum, there are actual problems than need to be addressed. Let us leave the mascot unmolested, and go back to our crusade for things that really matter. 

Claude Hanley, ’18 
Bill Christ, ’18 
Co-Editors in Chief

Letter to the Editors: November 2017

To the Editors of The Fenwick Review

Here are a few thoughts on Father Mulledy, the mascot change, and Catholicism at the College. 

I would think that the Lord’s advice still applies: He who is without sin, let him cast the first stone.” Father Mulledy was a good man, true to his Faith, untiring worker in the field of Catholic education and, by all accounts, successful in what he tried. Look at the many priestly vocations he helped inspire among graduates. Look at the institution he helped found. Was he sinless? Did he make the right decisions in all cases? No. He was a man of his times as today’s Jesuits are men of their times. Slavery was accepted in the environment in which he worked, accepted by many of his contemporary bishops, priests and parishioners and an evil over which he certainly had no control. He was mistaken but he did what he thought he had to do at the time. 

As for retaining the “Crusader” name and mascot, perhaps today’s Holy Cross College should drop both. It certainly would be consistent with the recent discussion regarding the elimination of the “cross” symbol from the Holy Cross logo. And, too, it would be consistent with that “mission statement” we are so concerned about; There’s no mention of Christ or His Cross in that either. A “Crusader”, after all, is one concerned about the cross of Christ, concerned to the extent of being willing to fight and die for that cross. The current college is ashamed to show it in print. The whole issue is a dramatic reflection of the state to which the Jesuit administration and the Holy Cross board have brought the college—a politically correct, semi-Catholic institution that frequently weakens the faith of its graduates. New building galore, a rich man’s tuition and plenty of money in the bank but woefully inept at accomplishing the real mission of the college: graduating well educated men and women who are strong in their faith and who are dedicated to promoting the love of Christ and His Church throughout their lives. 

Daniel J. Gorman ‘54

Some Discernment on Spirits

When people from back home (I’m from the Midwest) find out I go to a school named Holy Cross, they assume that here on the Hill, we all like to spend our Friday nights praying the Rosary. They think that since it’s a Catholic school, there isn’t a lot of partying. That’s perpetuated when they hear that (allegedly) 40% of students say they don’t drink. Now I haven’t been on campus that long, but I know that number is either false or the other 60% drink enough to make up for the abstainers. So yes, here at Holy Cross, contrary to what many Midwesterners assume, we enjoy our drink. But this line of thought exposes a very real misconception: that there’s a contradiction between Church teaching and drinking alcohol. There isn’t. 

Take the word of G.K. Chesterton, apologist, poet, and Catholic literary giant, who once said, “In Catholicism, the pint, the pipe, and the Cross can all fit together.” He compared the Catholic Church to a thick steak, a cigar, and a glass of red wine. Then there’s St. Thomas Aquinas, a Doctor of the Church, who not only supported drinking, but believed alcohol should be used to “cheer men’s souls” and that we should “drink to the point of hilarity.” The Catechism of the Catholic Church has no opposition to the use of alcohol, tobacco, or gambling in moderation. Jesus’s first miracle was turning water into wine -- and he didn’t use grape juice at the Last Supper. And last but not least, the Trappist monks make the best beer in the world -- or so I’m told. 

But before you grab the keg, it’s also important to note that Aquinas--the one who recommended drinking to cope with sadness--also said that being drunk is a mortal sin. As a Catholic College, where we embrace the cross and the pint, it’s critical to discuss the intersection of morality and mischief that comes with drinking. At first glance, Aquinas’s classification of drunkenness as a mortal sin may seem a little extreme. But then Aquinas, in all his wisdom, points out that when we drink, we occasionally do stupid things. And to think - Thomas Aquinas figured that out even though he had no idea what a darty was. 

But it’s true. So many people say that alcohol can get rid of your inhibitions, but is that honestly a good thing?

If my inhibitions keep me from doing something stupid - like streaking, for example - then I think society should be all the more grateful that I’m inhibited. To top it off, we also live in a society where people post random and inappropriate things online while sober. Spend five minutes on Tumblr and you’ll agree that inhibition is not society’s greatest threat. But even then, Aquinas says, drunkenness may be a reason for sin, but it’s not an excuse. Coming back to the streaking example, the real issue isn’t me being drunk, it’s that I’m running naked across the Hoval. 

So if we just don’t do anything stupid while drunk… we should be good, right? No. The real danger, according to Aquinas, is the “drinking to get drunk” mentality that permeates American college campuses. He says it’s a mortal sin if a man drinks with the conviction that “he would rather be drunk than abstain from drink.” Now -- Aquinas isn’t arguing that wanting to be drunk is a sin. If that were the case, everyone who’d ever sat through Freshman Convocation should go to confession. Drunkenness gets sinful when we knowingly and happily choose inebriation over sobriety. There are a couple good reasons for this. For one, it’s gluttony. If you sit down and eat three pizzas, you may have a problem. If you sit down and drink a fifth of Svedka, same goes. On top of that, you destroy your body. But it gets seriously problematic when is when we drink to get sloppy drunk, because in doing so, we knowingly give up human reason, and in turn, reject our God-given human dignity. 

It loops back to the inhibition thing, but in a deeper way. When we drink so much we can’t make a rational decision or walk in a straight line, we’ve essentially become toddlers or very, very large squirrels. Human reason is a gift from God. It’s part of the mystery of salvation history -- that we can use reason as a way to discover and choose the things that lead us closer to -- or further away from -- God. When we drink to get drunk, we essentially decide to “turn off” the rational brains that God gave us. We are no longer in a position to love, reverence and serve God. It’s not just about avoiding stupidity, it’s about safeguarding and reverencing our God-given dignity. 

The issue is not that we drink on Friday night. Or Saturday night. Or maybe even Saturday during the day. Or Wednesday. Or Thursday. (As a classic Irish folk song says, “I only drink on the days that end in y.”) The issue is that when we drink, we pee on lawns. We dehumanize ourselves. Drinking to loosen up isn’t problematic- it’s a foreshadow of heaven and it can help us be the person God calls us to be. But when we get drunk, we’re not the best, most loving version of ourselves. Instead of “Men and Women for and With Others,” we become “Men and Women Puking on Others.” We can’t focus on God- we can barely walk straight. And when we choose to get obliterated, hammered, sloshed, schmizzed, totally tuckered or absolutely blitzed, we choose that over God. We say, “Tonight’s about me.” 

So with Aquinas, Augustine (a patron saint of beer), the Trappists, Chesterton, and even Jesus, let’s raise our cups (in moderation) for the love and the glory of God. Hillaire Belloc might have put it best -- “Wherever the Catholic sun doth shine, there’s always laughter and good red wine. At least, I’ve always found it so -- Benedicamus Domino!”

Is Catholicism a Faith of Compromise?

On October 4, the Rev. Michael C. McFarland, S.J. Center hosted Dr. Julie Hanlon Rubio, professor of Christian Ethics at Saint Louis University, for her lecture entitled “Dare We Hope for Common Ground?” – an hour-long talk aimed at finding a solution to ease the contentious political tensions among Catholics in 2017 America. Rubio acknowledged the intense disunity among those she labels as “orthodox” and “progressive” Catholics – especially since the 2016 election cycle and pertaining to controversial social topics like abortion, same-sex marriage, and transgenderism – and suggested that although it is difficult to compromise on such issues, coming together on “middle” or less controversial matters can eventually pave the way for compromise on the more divisive ones. Rubio’s thesis stems from her suggestion that Catholics need not seek to “recreate the Kingdom of Heaven on earth” or demand that traditional Catholic social teachings ought to be reflected in public policy, but that the political sphere ought to exist independently from the teachings of Christ; thus, Rubio contends, in order to maximize diplomatic efficiency and promote harmony and respect among all Americans, it is both acceptable and encouraged for Catholics to set aside key Church doctrine as it relates to public policy. 

Rubio’s argument is certainly compelling to a certain extent: as she suggests, when two opposing parties come together to find common ground on a mutually agreeable issue, progress can in fact be made on a larger scale. However, these kinds of interactions have their own time and place. Rubio’s suggestion that Catholics and other people of faith must abandon certain truths and dogmas while engaging in political discourse in order to alleviate tension among political sectors ultimately promotes leniency and discourages belief in an absolute or objective truth. If Catholic doctrine asserts that the unborn must always be protected, that marriage is a sacred union between one man and one woman, and that gender is not malleable, et cetera, is it truly reasonable to expect Catholics to surrender these infallible truths for the good of the “middle ground,” and thereby favor the secular over the divine merely for the sake of political compromise? The unchanging truths of the Church are not relative to time, culture, or political tensions, and although conflict and disagreement as they pertain to these issues are inevitable on a societal scale, devotion to Christ’s message should not take a backseat to efforts to reach a partisan consensus. 

Freedom of conscience is absolute and ought not be held hostage by the need to compromise. When it comes to life and death, moral truth or moral falsehood, we have a duty never to compromise. 

Take 2016 Democrat vice presidential candidate Tim Kaine, for instance. Kaine has consistently and unabashedly cited his Catholic faith as what led him to pursue a career in public service. Throughout the 2016 primary election cycle, Kaine touted his Jesuit education and time as a missionary in Honduras as being definitive experiences for him and his career: “My faith is central to everything I do,” he has said repeatedly. Despite his self-proclaimed devout Catholic faith, Kaine has adopted a position on abortion that is not only highly controversial among Catholic voters and directly contrary to Church doctrine, but it is also logically inconsistent and brings to light the very flaws and inextricable tension of Rubio’s argument. "I have a traditional Catholic personal position [on abortion], but I am very strongly supportive that women should make these decisions and government shouldn't intrude […] I'm a strong supporter of Roe v. Wade and women being able to make these decisions. In government, we have enough things to worry about. We don't need to make people's reproductive decisions for them," he said in an interview with CNN last fall. In other words, Kaine has insisted that he is personally pro-life, but publicly pro-choice. Here, he seems to be practicing political compromise and supporting a “middle” position similar to that outlined in Rubio’s lecture. His statement prompts an important question: Why does Kaine oppose abortion in his “private” life? If Kaine truly upholds the “traditional Catholic position” on abortion, as he contends he does, he would believe that all human life is inherently sacred, and all human beings have an intrinsic right to live – regardless of whether or not that human being has been born or other extraneous circumstances. One who advocates for the “traditional Catholic position” on abortion must also acknowledge that abortion is morally equivalent to murder. Murder is reprehensible. Period. If one truly believes that abortion is morally equivalent to murder, how can Rubio expect Catholics (and pro-lifers of all stripes) to compromise on the subject? 

By prioritizing political compromise, we as Catholics give up our ability to express our freedom of conscience and ability to believe in something absolutely. While Rubio claims that personal and political spheres must exist independently of one another, it is in dividing the personal and the political that we forfeit our beliefs, the doctrine of the Church, and our call to do God’s will. In a political and social era as polarizing, divisive, and perhaps even uncertain as our own, we must ask ourselves: should our faith be one of compromise or one of dutiful resilience? Should our faith be one of cultural and political relativism or one of passionate faith and a robust belief in God and His message to us? The Church survives and prospers not because of diplomatic compromise but because of the timeless teachings of God and the authentic passion of Her followers. Where compromise prospers, authenticity of faith perishes. As Rubio stated in her lecture, debate is a positive, healthy way to sustain differences of opinion and belief. But rather than giving in to compromise for the sake of compromise, we as Catholics have a duty to spread God’s message and the infallible truths of the Church. The Church both as an institution and as a worldwide community ultimately relies upon our lack of compromise. It is more important now than ever to hold firmly to this truth.

Beyond the Abortion Wars

In "Beyond the Abortion Wars: A Way Forward for a New Generation", author Charles Camosy presents a sweeping vision of an America in which abortion is not an issue. I have never read a book which I wanted to like more. Professor Camosy eliminates much of the rhetoric on both sides of the abortion debate, and makes excellent points about how access to abortion hurts or helps women; why religion should or should not be a factor in one’s views; and the ever-present question of when a fetus becomes a person. Unfortunately, on several points, his book is at best misleading and at worst, dishonest. Camosy is a professor of theological and social ethics at Fordham University (a Catholic institution) and a Catholic himself. As such, he has a responsibility to accurately represent Catholic social teaching. At several points, his book not only fails to do this; it fails to provide any kind of coherent argument for or against abortion. Taken to their logical conclusions, Professor Camosy’s arguments allow for greater disrespect for human life. 

Elsewhere, Professor Camosy identifies himself as a pro-life Democrat, though he avoids applying labels to himself as much as possible within this book. In the first chapter, Camosy argues on the basis of various studies that there is no dramatic divide in American views on abortion, only an artificial political split. He goes on in chapter two to systematically examine the moral status of the human unborn child. Examining and borrowing the arguments of myriad pro-life thinkers, he ultimately concludes that an unborn child is a person. He defines the term “person” as all those with the “natural potential” to know and to love. The term “natural potential” is not defined and its implications are not explored in depth—does this mean that dogs are persons? Chimpanzees?—Readers never find out, which is perhaps just as well for the scope of the book. 

It is in Chapter Three—slightly ominously titled “Aiming at Death or Ceasing to Aid?”—that Professor Camosy runs into some serious moral problems. He describes in detail the nature of one type of surgical abortion: 

In the first trimester…Suction Dilation and Curettage is most often used…the mother’s cervix is dilated and a hoselike instrument called a cannula is inserted into her body. The hose is attached to a powerful vacuum and maneuvered by the physician so it can suck out the fetus, placenta, and amniotic fluid. Sometimes, however, the hose does not get all the body parts of the prenatal child, and a curette is used to scrape the uterus to make sure every last limb and organ has been recovered. 

This type of abortion, Camosy clarifies, is “aiming at death,” and is therefore wrong. But is it always wrong? No. He argues that this procedure, as well as Suction Dilation and Evacuation (in which the child is pulled apart limb by limb using a combination of vacuum tools and metal clamps), and fetal craniotomy (in which the head of the child is crushed to fit through the birth canal) are entirely permissible in cases where the mother’s life is in danger. 

Professor Camosy justifies this “gruesome” (his word) taking of life in the name of self-defense. He acknowledges the words of Pope St. John Paul II in the 1995 papal encyclical "Evangelium Vitae": “The one eliminated is a human being at the very beginning of life. No one more absolutely innocent could be imagined. In no way could this human being ever be considered an aggressor, much less an unjust aggressor!” Camosy argues that if the mother’s life is in danger, the child is not an aggressor, but is nevertheless a material threat to her mother’s life. Therefore, he claims, the unborn child is behaving similarly to a brainwashed, innocent, child soldier who is threatening one’s life. Anyone who disagrees with Professor Camosy’s view on this is allegedly one of those “extremist ‘pro-lifers’” who “want to give prenatal children more legal protection than other human persons” (143). 

I confess, I’m one of those “extremists” who dares to disagree with him. I don’t see how his conclusion logically follows from his premise. His child soldier analogy is fundamentally flawed. For one, a child soldier brandishing a gun at me probably does intend to kill me. That doesn’t mean that the child knows that killing is wrong, or that she is morally culpable for killing me, but such an attack is far from random chance. Furthermore, if I do nothing, I will certainly die. In contrast, there is no possible way an unborn child can try to kill anyone. Any death caused by the child will be a tragic accident. And even when the mother’s health is in danger, death is not guaranteed, as the book insinuates. For instance, Camosy suggests that abortion would be permissible if the mother suffers from pulmonary hypertension, a dangerous and rare condition involving high blood pressure. Pregnancy in women with pulmonary hypertension can be deadly, though it is not a death sentence: a 2011 literature review on the topic reveals mortality rates ranging anywhere from 17% to 56%. The overall mortality rate from 1997-2007 was 25%. Furthermore, though Professor Camosy may not admit it, abortion in the case of pulmonary hypertension remains a dangerous procedure. He also claims that caesarian sections are “ruled out” — a claim so ridiculous that a cursory glance at scientific literature on PubMed proves it false. 

While the description of pulmonary hypertension in "Beyond the Abortion Wars" is oversimplified, Professor Camosy is correct that in some pregnancies the mother’s life will be in danger. I propose an alternate scenario to consider these cases: Imagine that you are a parent and have a toddler. Unfortunately, through no fault of your own, your small child has found a loaded gun with the safety off and is happily playing with it, pointing it at you and beginning to play with the trigger. You are at enough of a distance from your child that you cannot reach her in time to pull the gun from her hands, but coincidentally, there is another gun in front of you and you’re a trained sniper (I know, bear with me). Would it be morally permissible for you to point-blank shoot and kill your child? If you don’t, after all, there’s a good chance your innocent child will accidentally kill you. Perhaps some, especially those who are not parents or older siblings, will read this scenario and respond that it would still be morally permissible. It is undeniable, however, that parents have certain duties to care for their children. I do not think I am an extremist to take issue with parents dismembering their children. 

Professor Camosy’s stance when it comes to death of the mother is not the book’s only deficiency. He also suggests that it would be morally permissible for the parents of children with rare, usually fatal diseases such as Potter’s Syndrome to induce early labor when there is little to no chance of the fetus’s survival outside the womb. He claims that this is actually very Catholic, because otherwise the baby might have died in utero and been unbaptized. This is beyond ridiculous. Camosy displays a lack of trust in God’s mercy— implying that labor must be induced because otherwise the child’s heathen soul will be condemned—and sets up a false dichotomy between the health of the body and the health of the soul. Following his logic, Catholics ought to induce all pregnancies as early as possible to baptize the child, because otherwise they might die unbaptized. It is a line of argument that sounds like absurd anti-Catholic rhetoric, not from a book by a Catholic professor. 

Professor Camosy then proceeds to the next logical conclusion. He suggests that in the case of pregnancy resulting from rape, abortion would be permissible. Obviously, this is an incredibly difficult situation and one in which there are no easy answers. “While it is true that the prenatal child should not be punished for the horrific behavior of her biological father, it is not clear that a woman who has been raped has the same obligation to aid a fetus as someone who has consensual sex,” Camosy writes. He contends that Plan B and Ella (morning-after pills that can either prevent ovulation or keep an embryo from implanting in the uterine lining) and RU-486 (which ends an early-stage pregnancy by cutting the progesterone levels needed to keep the child alive) are not “direct” abortions, but are rather comparable to detaching someone who is using your kidneys to keep themselves alive without your consent (the well-known “violinist” analogy). 

Bodily autonomy arguments for abortion are nothing new. What is different and disturbing is Prof. Camosy’s claim that this is actually a Catholic line of thought, and his blatant distortion of actual Catholic teaching in order to make this claim. “Euthanasia is wrong because it aims at the death of an innocent person,” he says. 

But refusing or ceasing to aid such a patient, even when one knows that patient will die without such aid, is not necessarily wrong—as long as their death is not intended and there is a proportionately serious reason for choosing not to aid. For example, even at a Catholic hospital, a ‘do not resuscitate’ order can be accepted for a newborn child who is about to die…Catholic hospitals are, of course, permitted to honor requests to refuse or withdraw ventilators, dialysis machines, and chemotherapy – and for many different kinds of reasons. Such aid might be judged too painful, too burdensome, or even an unjust use of resources. In such cases, Catholic teaching allows for aid to be refused or withdrawn, even if the foreseen (but unintended) consequence is going to be death. (82) 

One can easily see where he is going with this. And he has a point: what is the difference between providing aid to a dying person or an unborn child? The answer is that there is no difference. Both should receive care for their basic needs, regardless of any other factor. 

In his 2004 address to the Congress on Life Sustaining Treatments and Vegetative State, Pope St. John Paul II stated “I should like particularly to underline how the administration of water and food, even when provided by artificial means, always represents a natural means of preserving life, not a medical act. Its use, furthermore, should be considered, in principle, ordinary and proportionate, and as such morally obligatory” (emphasis mine). He goes on to clarify that death caused by starving or dehydrating a person is a type of euthanasia. It is not comparable to taking a person off a ventilator or detaching them from your kidneys. Starvation and dehydration may seem an odd way to describe the effects of RU-486, but the “abortion pill” works by removing a human person from their only possible source of nutrition. It was disappointing to read Camosy’s glib overview implying, though not stating, that such a deprivation of nutrients is in line with Catholic teaching, when it has been so clearly condemned by the Church. 

"Beyond the Abortion Wars" has good points throughout, and Professor Camosy’s analysis of the actual views of the American public on abortion is particularly interesting. However, as a Catholic theologian working at a Catholic university, his deceptive statements about Catholic teachings and moral truths are unacceptable. He should clarify the instances in his book where he dissents from Church teaching—or better yet, he should cease teaching theology at a Catholic institution and stop representing himself as Catholic if he so clearly disagrees with the Church. As a Catholic teacher, he ought to recognize that he has a duty to his students’ (and readers’) souls as well as their minds. There is a tradition in Catholic religious communities that when a superior dies, he or she will have to answer at the throne of God for anyone led astray under their care. Professor Camosy would do well to reflect on this idea.